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    Toggle navigation. This paper has its roots in a nostalgic recollection: being a graduate student in Greg's seminar. A discussion of age-related hairstyles in ancient Greece and elsewhere and Greg's inspiring thoughts on the subject prompted me to put together a handout for a class report with a few Greek and Russian texts side by side.

    The Russian texts came from the wedding songs I had found in a collection of folklore and had to do with the bride's hair. Discussions with Greg followed and left свекровь with a definite sense that I should look deeper into it. But years passed and other things took precedence, the Russian wedding songs remaining at the back of my mind as something halfway between a delightful prospect and an unpaid debt. The old handout seems to be gone, a victim of fonts no longer in use and files lost while moving, but below is its much enlarged reincarnation, namely a selection of Russian wedding songs preceded by a description of their ritual context and followed by some initial thoughts on a comparison between them and the ancient Greek ones.

    I have not been able to keep to the subject of hair sensu stricto. Although there are some parallels between ancient Greece and Russia in the treatment of hair, the more interesting similarities have to do with the shared metaphors: a metaphor applied to hair in a Russian song may be paralleled by a similar metaphor in Greece that does not have the same tenor.

    In the poetry of the traditional Russian wedding, the bride's hair with its coverings and decorations is a poetic focal point, and perhaps no other part of the wedding is lyrically as rich as the bride's parting with her maidenly hair-dress. Consequently, the maiden's hair is the center of a remarkably complex metaphorical system, and almost every theme that belongs to the bride is expressed in connection to it. In short, what had started for me as a look at hairdressing customs quickly developed into a broader look at the bride's side of the traditional Russian wedding.

    Describing such a wedding and selecting songs suitable for a comparison with the ancient Greek evidence is a profoundly intimidating task because of the wealth and diversity of the available records, and what I offer for the moment can only be provisional, based in equal parts on choice and chance.

    In what follows all Russian texts come from songs and utterances that constitute part of the wedding, and some of them are ritually required. The same, needless to say, will not be true for the Greek texts. Many of the songs performed at Russian weddings revisit the maidenhood of the bride and find parallels in ancient Greek depictions of maidenhood, verbal and visual, rather than in any formal part of the wedding.

    This is, again, to be expected, although секс songs might have been also performed at Greek weddings: we have no way of knowing. All Russian songs cited below come from villages, primarily from the relatively remote regions of Siberia and the Russian North-West the area between the Gulf of Finland and невеста White Seathough some come from other regions the shores of Volga, the central Russian region of Voronezh, etc.

    Many of these songs were recorded in s—s and published during невеста same period or later along with the performers' recollections of the way weddings used невеста be celebrated in their villages at the beginning of the twentieth century. Some songs, also recorded during fieldwork by Russian folklorists, are over a century earlier, but, to my eye at least, remarkably similar. The earlier publications often include, by way of archival information, only the region where the songs come from and the collector's name, although there are exceptions: Basov's large collection of laments is based primarily on his work with one brilliant performer and accompanied by information about her life, the circumstances of her performances, and the conditions under which they were taken down.

    Last but невеста least, many of the Russian songs included here are compositions-in-performance. Scholars who recorded them in the course of their fieldwork provide extremely useful notes both on the performative techniques and on the perceptions and expectations surrounding these songs, a subject to which I will return below.

    I begin, however, with an overview of the traditional Russian village wedding. A comprehensive description of such a wedding would require a monograph, and indeed секс such volumes are in existence.

    Свекровь laments themselves follow in the next section, which is in turn followed by some preliminary notes for a comparison with the wedding-related poetry of ancient Greece. The progression of the traditional Russian wedding is endlessly varied even neighboring villages often display marked differences and yet remarkably stable in its general outline. It is, broadly speaking, similar to the ancient Greek wedding, and no doubt to weddings in many other cultures.

    The preliminary negotiations between the two families lead to a formal ceremony of betrothal. Then, after a period of preparation usually a weekthe wedding itself is marked by the arrival of the groom's party at the bride's house, the formal display and hand-over of the bride in the context of a feast, a journey of the wedding procession from the bride's house to that of the groom, and a feast at the groom's house, followed by some variable events on the next morning, for example, the "awakening" of the newlyweds and various gift-exchanges.

    The official church ceremony, which is certainly a later addition to the wedding structure and has no traditional songs associated with it, in effect breaks up the procession to the groom's house: instead of proceeding there directly, the wedding секс first goes to the church and then, after the ceremony, continues on its way. The structure of the ancient Greek wedding is essentially the same, the church ceremony, of course, excepted. In Russian villages the preliminary negotiations between families would often begin in secret and steps would be taken to save face and avoid offense in the event that no agreement is reached.

    If the arrangements are successful, however, the decisive moment of betrothal follows. This is a transaction amongst the males, namely the bride's father and the groom, and it involves a formal agreement, marked невеста a ritual action which sanctified it and which varied from regions to region but often included joint prayer, various forms of striking, slapping, or touching each other's hands, a drink, and a meal.

    At this point a decisive change takes place for the bride: once the "hand-slapping" takes place between the males, the bride is symbolically separated from her age-mates, and, in many cases, literally covered or hidden. She will still spend a week in the company of her friends preparing for the wedding, and they will play an important role on the day of the event. Nevertheless, the bride is no longer one of them. The laments, where practiced, were ritually required and were performed even when the bride was quite willing to marry: indeed if she was not lamenting enough, there were prichety that could be performed by the bride's friends and helpers, reproaching her and urging her to cry.

    Besides, even a happy bride can be put in the mood for lamenting: according to the recollections of the participants in such weddings, the секс usually succeed in rousing and "disturbing" her. In some Siberian villages the bride, once betrothed, retires to the kut' a pantry-like space and remains there most of the time until the wedding. In some regions her movement was from that point onwards restricted even within the house, and her dress was changed. She then changed her dress in church, in a service or side room, finally putting on her wedding finery.

    In all of the regions in question, however, the betrothal marked a turning point in the bride's behavior and costume. In fact, in some regions the betrothed bride was set aside by her entire costume, and examples of such costumes survive in museums. In the collection of the Sergievo-Posadsky Museum of History and Art Moscow region there is a "sad" or "grieving" costume from the Tambov region dating to the end of the 19th century.

    The costume—skirt, blouse, sarafan, and apron—is primarily white, the color of grief although the apron is decorated with a band of red and white and is described by the specialists as "archaic" and "severe.

    In the same collection, there are two different examples of mostly black and white costume from the Voronezh regions, also described as "sadness" costumes. The white blouse that constitutes their part over it, невеста black sarafan was worn was called both the "wedding" and "old woman's" because this costume, just as the Tambov one, could be worn by these two categories of women.

    When wearing this costume the bride could also cover her loose hair with a white kerchief. Following her father's gesture, the bride herself or her friends would re-arrange the kerchief in a way particular to the betrothed: the two corners were tied around the neck like a sailor's collar and then the rectangle of the kerchief was flipped over to cover the head and face of the bride.

    From that moment on, the bride was not supposed to take that covering off even at night and wore it right up to the wedding day. Невеста the kerchief was put on in this way, the bride abandoned resistance and began to fall to the ground at her parent's feet and lament, that is, perform the prichety. Секс her laments the bride addressed her father, and then, in turn and often in strict order, the other members of the family, asking to postpone the wedding and blaming her friends who put on the kerchief for "blocking off much white light for me.

    After the betrothal the bride would spend some time, usually a week, with her friends in preparation for marriage. Some typical events of the pre-wedding week include gatherings of the young women in the evenings to sew and sing with the bride, visits to her relatives on which, yet again, the bride is always accompanied be a group of her age-matestaking leave through prichety of the parental house and her native village, receiving gifts from the groom and preparing gifts for him and his party, decoration and then undoing of the bride's braid, and a невеста bath.

    Prominent among these pre-wedding events are various ritual actions centered on the bride's krasota literally "beauty"a symbolic object that seems to embody the bride's beauty and freedom, and which may in practice be her hairdress, a ribbon, a wreath, tied together branches of a tree, or even a small cut tree, often a pine, decorated with ribbons, beads, and flowers. Most of the songs considered below were performed at this stage of the wedding, forming part of the bride's leave-taking from her maidenhood.

    In those regions where bridal laments were highly developed the brides would lament so much that they would sometimes become hoarse by the end of this week, their face-covering kerchiefs stiff with tears.

    In some villages of the Russian North the bride during the pre-wedding week would address every woman entering the house with a prichet, first falling at her feet, and then embracing her, assuming a conventional "pose of lamentation" and performing a lament, short or long. There were prichety for the bride to greet the friends as they arrive, to ask her mother to feed them, to thank relatives for bringing the traditional wedding bread, etc.

    By contrast, the evenings with the bride's age-mates could take different forms, and the свекровь and songs performed on these occasions are often highly variable, with few ritual demands on the selection of songs. The maidens would help the bride perform laments.

    In the Vologda region, as Balashov reports, they would sing with the bride both during the evening gatherings and at the wedding, with the difference that they did not sigh, while the bride would end every verse with a sigh. Once the bride would lose her voice or if she was not good at lamentingthe friends would take over, leaving her just to sigh. Balashov reports that young men would join the maidens at some point during these sing-and-sew evenings, and it was common then to sing cheerful songs to a musical accompaniment.

    The bride, however, could lament along with even the cheerful songs. She has already prepared a dowry and, for her, this work was over.

    She might help in the preparation of a supper for her friends, but she was not supposed to work like everyone else. In Свекровь Russia, the laments performed at home in the company of friends contrast with those laments performed publically, outside, which were also expected during the wedding week. Described by Секс for the Vologda region, these are referred to a prichety "on the hills" although what exactly is meant by a hill here is not clear.

    Here the bride and her friends had separate parts: the bride's prichety became loud and dramatic, секс her friends would sing in pologie stretched-out voices. This was the occasion for the brides to display their greatest passion: they often had to be dressed by force or went without a coat even in winter.

    Sometimes the Vologda brides would both display their highest art on these occasions and work themselves into a crazed state. During the week the groom would come with presents. Usually, this included sweet pastries and also some clothes, a shawl, fabric for a dress. In Povolzhye, the grooms would send soap for the bride's bath, свекровь, perfume, rouge etc.

    She might say, in a prichetthat she is not pretty and too young and too thin, and wonder why the groom wants her. This can go on for a while, with the groom remaining on his feet any chair свекровь could sit on was deliberately taken away.

    There are reports of grooms' frustrations, and of one groom even breaking into tears. This could continue for a while until the bride finally received the box, but свекровь was not the end of the process, for the box was locked and the groom would pretend that he did not have the key.

    He would send one of his attendant to fetch it; the attendant would walk outside, pretend to search, and finally come back with the key. The groom would then try to fit the key into the keyhole, but now it was the bride's turn to create an obstacle: she would move the box from side to side, preventing the groom from putting it in.

    The groom's side would shout "Hit the mark! Finally, the box would be opened, the groom would kiss the bride across the table, and she would offer thanks for the gifts in a prichet. In Zaonezhye, the bride was expected to visit her relatives and ceremoniously invite them to the wedding. She did so in the company of her friends, and, as everything she did during свекровь week, with songs and laments. On the day of such visits, the friends would help the bride to wash, sometimes leading and supporting her under the arms pod ruki as if she were somehow incapacitated, and then do her braid in a special way, with long ribbons looped at the секс of the braid and a bow made at the top of it.

    The loops would be of different lengths, some going down almost to the ground, and as the bride went to visit her relatives she would let the end of her braid hang out of the sleigh, so the ribbons could be blown around in the wind for all to see. The braid symbolized her 'freedom' volya and maidenhood. The bride's apparently altered state, traditionally demanded on such visits, would be expressed both by her need to be supported by her friends, and by the prichety themselves.

    For example, the bride might say that she cannot climb the steps to someone's or her own house, because there used to be three steps, but now there are many etc. In contrast to Vologda and Zaonezhye, in Siberia there were, at least in the reports I could find, no dramatic public prichety with thrashing.

    And yet, as will be seen shortly, many laments and songs performed there echo or closely resemble the northern ones, and this also holds for laments from central Russia, for example the region of Vladimir. One of the events in Siberia and many regions besides that preceded the departure of the bride from her parents' house was the devichnikwhich could be translated as 'a gathering of maidens' or 'a maiden party'.

    The devichnik is a ritual of the bride's farewell to her friends and her volya 'freedom' and the maiden's krasota 'beauty'. In some Siberian records, the bride rushes to the kyt' pantry-like space and begins to lament loudly as soon as guests begin to gather for the devichnik, and is lead out, crying, once everyone arrives.

    She was supposed to sit to the side, looking down while the girls sang, but also perform her laments. The other occasions for laments in Siberian weddings have to do with the manipulations of bride's hair, which are thought to be a particularly old and persistent part of the wedding.

    Furthermore, the bride секс stops lamenting once she is seated next to the невеста at the festive table at her parental house, and she never laments once she has crossed the threshold of свекровь new home. Keep track of everything you watch; tell your friends. sex dating

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